Genozid =/= „Kämpfe eskalieren“

Neue Zürcher Zeitung: Die Kämpfe zwischen der Minderheit der Rohingya und der burmesischen Armee eskalieren

Frankfurter Rundschau: Militante Rohingya lösen schwere Kämpfe aus

Das folgende hinkt – wie jeder Vergleich mehr oder minder hinkt – aber wie empfänden Sie eine solche Schlagzeile: „Aufstand im Warschauer Ghetto löst Vernichtung von Juden aus?“

Die Rohingya werden von der UN schon seit Jahren als die am meisten verfolgte Minderheit der Welt benannt.

Im Nordwesten des Vielvölkerstaates Myanmar leben sie seit Jahrhunderten, ihre Geschichte ist ideologisch umstritten. Sie selbst sehen sich als autochthone Volksgruppe im früheren Königreich Arakan, heute Rakhine, die vor rund 1000 Jahren zum Islam konvertierte. Nach einer anderen Version sind sie Nachfahren muslimischer Händler der monsungestützten asiatisch-arabisch-ostafrikanischen Küstenschiffahrt ab dem 8. Jahrhundert. Die Rede ist auch von königlichen Deportationen aus dem heutigen Bangladesh im 17./18. Jahrhundert. Viele wurden von den britischen Kolonisatoren im 19. Jahrhundert als Verwaltungsangestellte und Landarbeiter in Nordwest-Burma angesiedelt. Vermutlich ist an jeder der Versionen etwas dran – Fakt ist jedenfalls, daß seit Jahrhunderten dunkelhäutige Muslime in Burma leben. Rohingya heißt zunächst nur ‚Bewohner von Rakhine‘, ist also kein Synonym für ‚Muslim aus Myanmar‘, obwohl Aktivisten das seit den 90er Jahren zu etablieren versuchen. Die Regierung in Myanmar entrechtet die Rohingya systematisch, unter dem Vorwand illegaler Einwanderung aus Bangladesh.

Schon im Zuge der Unabhängigkeit von den Briten 1948 wurden Ressentiments gegen alle nicht-buddhistischen Minderheiten geschürt, z.B. gegen die meist christlichen Karen (ein von Missionaren verbreiteter Sammelbegriff für x unterschiedliche Minoritäten). Sie leben längs der burmesisch-thailändischen Grenze, werden seitdem verfolgt und sie wehren sich dagegen. Erst vor 5 Jahren wurde ein offizieller Waffenstillstand zwischen der burmesischen Armee und der Karen National Liberation Army ausgehandelt. In Burma leben 135 verschiedene Minoritäten, die Majorität ist buddhistisch, es gibt jeweils weniger als 5% Christen, Hindus und Muslime.

Der Widerstand der Rohingya gegen die Unterdrückung durch die buddhistische Majorität war und ist ungleich viel kleiner als der der Karen. Seit der Unabhängigkeit fanden 19 große Militäroperationen gegen sie statt, in deren Rahmen zahllose Rohingya getötet wurden, ihr Besitz, ihre Dörfer und Moscheen niedergebrannt, ihr Land geraubt, Frauen massenhaft vergewaltigt, ihre Infrastrukturen systematisch zerstört und viele zur Flucht über die Grenze nach Bangladesh gezwungen wurden.

1982 erließ die Militärdiktatur ein Gesetz, das den meisten Rohingya die Staatsbürgerschaft entzog, sie gelten als illegale Immigranten aus Bangladesh. Seitdem sind sie Freiwild. Sie haben keine Bürgerrechte, dürfen nicht ohne weiteres reisen, unterliegen einer unter drakonischen Strafen durchgesetzten 2-Kind-Regel, sie erhalten kaum medizinische Versorgung und keine höhere Schulbildung. Für Rohingya gibt es so gut wie kein Wahlrecht mehr, dafür aber Sondersteuern, Zwangsarbeit, Heiratsbeschränkungen, Manipulationen bei der Registrierung von Geburten und Todesfällen, illegale Inhaftierungen, Folter, Vergewaltigungen, Morde – kurz: sie sind vollkommen rechtlos. Außerdem gibt es die national-faschistischen buddhistischen Mönche der 969-Bewegung, die die Minderwertigkeit und Verabscheuungswürdigkeit von Muslimen predigen und die seit dem Ende der Militärdiktatur immer einflußreicher werden.

Völkermord ist definiert als:

eine der folgenden Handlungen, die in der Absicht begangen wird, eine nationale, ethnische, rassische oder religiöse Gruppe als solche ganz oder teilweise zu zerstören:
a) Tötung von Mitgliedern der Gruppe;
b) Verursachung von schwerem körperlichem oder seelischem Schaden an Mitgliedern der Gruppe;
c) vorsätzliche Auferlegung von Lebensbedingungen für die Gruppe, die geeignet sind, ihre körperliche Zerstörung ganz oder teilweise herbeizuführen;
d) Verhängung von Maßnahmen, die auf die Geburtenverhinderung innerhalb der Gruppe gerichtet sind;
e) gewaltsame Überführung von Kindern der Gruppe in eine andere Gruppe.

Verharmlosung und Ignoranz des seit Jahren stattfindenden Genozids an den Rohingya bleibt jedenfalls zuverlässig straffrei.

In Burma leben noch rund 1 Million Rohingya, darunter mindestens 120.000 von ihrem Land Vertriebene seit 2012 in Lagern, die in der New York Times als 21st Century Concentration Camps beschrieben werden. Rund 1,5 Millionen flohen schon ins Exil, nach Bangladesch, Indien, Pakistan, Thailand, Malaysia, Saudi-Arabien, in die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, Australien, Europa, USA, sogar nach Nepal kurz nach dem Erdbeben. Überall bleiben sie aber wegen ihrer Staatenlosigkeit weiterhin rechtlos und sind auf Gnade angewiesen, falls sie nicht gleich schon auf der Flucht versklavt wurden.

Was in deutschsprachigen Medien als „Kämpfe auslösen“ und „Kämpfe eskalieren“ bezeichnet wird: Mitte August verübte die Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) koordinierte Attentate auf rund 30 Polizeiposten, mit 12 Toten. ARSA erklärte diese Attentate zu einer Reaktion auf die an der Rohingya-Minderheit verübten Gräuel durch Myanmars Armee. Bereits im Oktober des vergangenen Jahres gab es ARSA-Attentate, 9 Polizisten und 5 Soldaten wurden ermordet. Die Gruppe wird angeführt von einem offenbar im pakistanischen Exil geborenen und in Mekka aufgewachsenen Rohingya, Ata Ullah. Es ist unklar, aus wie vielen Rebellen sie besteht, wie sie bewaffnet sind (verschiedene Videos zeigen hauptsächlich junge Männer mit Macheten), ob sie erwähnenswert großen Zuspruch in der muslimischen Zivilbevölkerung hat, ob sie mit Islamisten aus anderen Staaten in Verbindung steht und von ihnen unterstützt wird (letzteres ist vermutlich eine reine Zeitfrage und würde dann den Vorwand liefern, Myanmar entgültig muslimfrei zu machen).

Die Revanchen des burmesischen Militärs trafen, wie üblich, vor allem die Zivilbevölkerung, nach den Attentaten im Oktober wurden etwa 400 Rohingya getötet, mehr als 87.000 flohen nach Bangladesh. Wie viele aktuell getötet wurden, ist noch unklar.

Aung San Suu Kyi jedenfalls ließ in der vergangenen Woche schon mal verlauten, die internationale humanitäre Hilfe sei in Wirklichkeit Hilfe für Terroristen.

Derzeit sitzen Zehntausende im Niemandsland zwischen Myanmar und Bangladesh fest, weitere Zehntausende flohen über den Grenzfluß Naf nach Bangladesh, wo bereits eine knappe halbe Million aus Myanmar geflohener Rohingya lebt und wo zur Zeit – Monsun – größere Teile des Landes überschwemmt sind. In Asien starben mindestens 1.500 Menschen im diesjährigen Monsun, ungeachtet des weit größeren medialen Interesses an den Überschwemmungen in den USA. Wie schon gesagt: Verharmlosung und Ignoranz des seit Jahren stattfindenden Genozids an den Rohingya bleibt jedenfalls zuverlässig straffrei.

 


 

tl, dr:


Detaillierter Hintergrund:

Final Report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State

Policies of Persecution


Bild: Screenshot bei Al Jazeera, gibt viele schlimme Fotos und Videos auf Twitter


Werbeanzeigen

35 Gedanken zu „Genozid =/= „Kämpfe eskalieren“

    • Ach, liebe Trippmadam – danke fürs Danke (um welche Uhrzeit lesen Sie denn schlimme Blogs?)
      Um diesen Blog hatte ich mich seit einer Woche herumgedrückt – seit die ersten Fotos und Filme in meiner Twitter-Timeline auftauchten, von verzweifelten Exil-Rohingya (und von Erdogan-Jüngern à la Martin Lejeune).

      Beim Genozid gegen die Rohingya zeigen sich schon seit vielen Jahren die erbärmlichen Schwächen der deutschsprachigen Medienlandschaft. Die Schuhe zog mir die beiläufige und mangelhafte Berichterstattung vor 2 Jahren aus – als Abertausende Boat People aus Myanmar und Bangladesh in der Andamen-See auf steuerlos gemachten Booten ohne Trinkwasser und Nahrung trieben, nachdem die USA gegen den thailändischen Sklavenhandel interveniert hatten und die gut geölte Kette aus Flucht und Versklavung kurz zum Stillstand kam. Es gibt kein einziges deutschsprachiges Medium, das zum Beispiel und unter anderem über den Zusammenhang zwischen unseren Garnelen und Zwangsarbeit berichtet, wie der Guardian das seit Jahren tut. Aus dem deutschsprachigen Raum reiste auch niemand nach Südostasien, um sich – ASEAN-Gipfel voraus – selbst ein Bild von der Situation zu machen, wie das für die New York Times selbstverständlich ist.

      Auch das bitterböse Thema Staatenlosigkeit wird in deutschsprachigen Medien kaum einer Erwähnung für wert befunden, obwohl es auch viele nach Deutschland Geflüchtete betrifft, von Mahalmi über Palästinenser bis zu den neueren Flüchtlingen aus x Staaten, in denen die Ausstellung eines Personalausweises oder gar Reisepasses nicht selbstverständlich ist. Staatenlose werden in Deutschland lieber als „arabischer Mafia-Clan“, „Asylbetrüger“ und „Scheinsyrer“ verhandelt, es gibt für Staatenlose kaum Integrationsmaßnahmen, mit den üblichen Kettenduldungen wegen Abschiebehindernissen wenig Perspektiven zur Lebensplanung, nur zögerlich Naturalisierungen und dann wundert man sich über erhöhte Kriminalität. Als hätte Hannah Arendt nie gelebt und kein einziges Wort über Staatenlosigkeit geschrieben.

      Selbst die taz, die u.a. durch die Kooperation mit le monde diplomatique eigentlich eine noch recht gute Auslandberichterstattung pflegt, hält den Genozid für „Kämpfe in Myanmar“, für einen „neuen Krieg“, für eine „Krise“ und für die „bisher größte Herausforderung für die rund ein Jahr alte Regierung von Friedensnobelpreisträgerin Aung San Suu Kyi“. Ich halte Schlagzeilen und Wortwahl dieser Art in Verbindung mit dünner Berichterstattung für fahrlässig und verantwortungslos. Aung San Suu Kyi und ihre Regierung sind an den Menschenrechten der Rohingya exakt null interessiert. Für Rohingya hat sich seit Ende der Militärdiktatur rein gar nichts zum Besseren verändert, sondern die Hetze der 969-Bewegung scheint immer gesellschaftsfähiger zu werden.


  1. Belegt durch von Human Rights Watch erhobenen Satellitenbildern (Screenshot ebenda) wurden allein in 1em Rohingya-Dorf 700 Häuser niedergebrannt:

    “This new satellite imagery shows the total destruction of a Muslim village, and prompts serious concerns that the level of devastation in northern Rakhine State may be far worse than originally thought,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director. “Yet this is only one of 17 sites that we’ve located where burnings have taken place. Independent monitors are needed on the ground to urgently uncover what’s going on.”

    Human Rights Watch identified a total of 700 destroyed buildings in Chein Khar Li from an analysis of satellite imagery recorded on August 31, 2017. The imagery shows that 99 percent of the village was destroyed. Damage signatures are consistent with fire, including the presence of large burn scars and destroyed tree cover.

    This imagery builds on previously published data collected by Human Rights Watch indicating burnings taking place at 17 separate sites across northern Rakhine state between August 25 and 30, 2017.

    The Burmese government has blamed the setting of fires on ARSA militants and Rohingya villagers who the government claims set fire to their own homes. The government has not provided any evidence to support these allegations, nor did they ever prove similar allegations made by the government during the burning of Rohingya areas between October 2016 and December 2016.

  2. Auch Zeit Online wartet nur mit einer aufgehübschten Agenturmeldung auf: Viele Tote bei Kämpfen in Myanmar

    Bei Unruhen in Myanmar sind seit vergangener Woche Hunderte Menschen getötet worden. UN-Generalsekretär Guterres warnt, es könne zu einer humanitären Katastrophe kommen.

    Tatsächlich und bereits am 28.8.17:

    “The Secretary-General, who condemned those attacks, reiterates the importance of addressing the root causes of the violence and the responsibility of the Government of Myanmar to provide security and assistance to those in need,” said the statement, adding that Mr. Guterres fully supports the recommendations of the report by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan [as Chair of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine state] and urges the Government to effectively implement them.

    Recognizing that Bangladesh has hosted generously refugees from Myanmar for decades, the Secretary-General through the statement went on to appeal for the authorities to continue to allow the Rohingya fleeing violence to seek safety in Bangladesh.

    Many of those fleeing are women and children, some of whom are wounded.

    “[Mr. Guterres] calls for humanitarian agencies to be granted unfettered and free access to affected communities in need of assistance and protection,” the statement concluded, adding that the UN stands ready to provide all necessary support to both Myanmar and Bangladesh in that regard.

    Am 1.9.17:

    United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres today urged restraint and calm in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, cautioning that the situation may otherwise lead to a humanitarian catastrophe.

    In a statement from his spokesperson, the Secretary-General expressed deep concern about reported violence since 25 August attacks on police posts.

    “The Secretary-General is deeply concerned by the reports of excesses during the security operations conducted by Myanmar’s security forces in Rakhine State,” according to the statement.

    Mr. Guterres stressed the responsibility of Myanmar authorities to provide security and assistance to all those in need and allow the UN and its partners to extend humanitarian support, in country and in Bangladesh, where some people are fleeing. He encouraged authorities to ensure that people seeking aid have access to the UN and other partners.

    Guterres weiß sehr gut, daß die humanitäre Katastrophe längst etabliert ist, z.B. für die rund 120.000 seit 2012 internierten Rohingya. Und weil er Diplomat ist, erwähnt er auch gar nicht, daß Aung San Suu Kyis Regierung Ende Juni UN-Mitarbeitern die Visa verweigert hatte und die Gewalt der Armee gegen Rohingya lieber von einem ehemaligen Armee-Angehörigen untersuchen lassen wollte. In deutschsprachigen Medien wurde darüber gar nicht berichtet, der Guardian:

    Myanmar will refuse entry to members of a United Nations investigation focusing on allegations of killings, rape and torture by security forces against Rohingya Muslims, an official has said.

    The government, led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, had already said it would not cooperate with a mission set up after a human rights council resolution was adopted in March.

    “If they are going to send someone with regards to the fact-finding mission, then there’s no reason for us to let them come,” said Kyaw Zeya, permanent secretary at the ministry of foreign affairs in the capital, Naypyidaw, on Friday.

    “Our missions worldwide are advised accordingly,” he said, explaining that visas to enter Myanmar would not be issued to the mission’s appointees or staff.

    She said during a trip to Sweden this month the UN mission “would have created greater hostility between the different communities”.

    A UN report in February, based on interviews with some of the Rohingya refugees, said the response involved mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya, and “very likely” amounted to crimes against humanity and possibly ethnic cleansing.

    Myanmar, along with neighbours China and India, dissociated itself from the March resolution brought by the European Union, which called for a mission to look into the allegations in Rakhine as well as reports of abuses in ethnic conflicts in the north of the country.

    Indira Jaising, an advocate from the supreme court of India, was appointed to lead the mission in May. The other two members are Harvard-trained Sri Lankan lawyer Radhika Coomaraswamy and Australian consultant Christopher Dominic.

    Myanmar insists that a domestic investigation – headed by former lieutenant general and vice-president Myint Swe – is sufficient to look into the allegations in Rakhine.

  3. Arne Perras, Süddeutsche: Es ist verstörend, wie unterschiedlich der Westen Leid wahrnimmt

    Existenzielles Leid per se reicht nicht, um konsequentes Interesse auszulösen. Viele Faktoren entscheiden darüber, ob es eine Katastrophe in die Abendnachrichten schafft. In der Vermittlung von Informationen ist das Ausmaß der Gefährdung von Menschen kein allgemeingültiges Kriterium. Ansonsten wäre alles einfach. Dann würde die Regel gelten: Die Fluten in Asien sind derzeit besonders groß, also wird groß darüber berichtet.

    Stattdessen wirken andere Reflexe meistens stärker: Nichts zeigt dies besser als das krasse Gefälle, das sich nun in der europäischen Wahrnehmung zweier großer Naturkatastrophen aufgebaut hat. In Texas/USA tobt Hurrikan Harvey. Und das südliche Asien versinkt in den Fluten des Monsuns. In Indien, Nepal und Bangladesch haben die Naturgewalten weit mehr als tausend Menschen in den Tod gerissen, in den USA haben bislang drei Dutzend Bewohner ihr Leben gelassen. Harvey läuft auf allen Kanälen, die Reportagen aus Houston überschlagen sich. Und die Flutopfer in Südasien?

    Wenn mediale Aufmerksamkeit auch ein Gradmesser für Werte einer Gesellschaft ist, muss sich Europa einige Sorgen machen. Vielleicht sind die Europäer noch immer nicht frei von postkolonialer Überheblichkeit, vielleicht haben sie noch rassistische Vorstellungen, ohne sich das einzugestehen. Denn zynisch gesprochen ist es doch so: Es müssen erst Hunderte Bauern in Bangladesch ertrinken, bevor ihnen ähnliche Aufmerksamkeit zukommt wie einem einzigen Opfer in der westlichen Welt.

    Inzwischen sind es weit mehr als 2.000 Tote, rund 40 Millionen Menschen sind von den Überschwemmungen in Südasien betroffen.

  4. Fortify Rights am 1.9.17:

    Fortify Rights interviewed 24 survivors and eyewitnesses of attacks in the last week from 17 villages in the three townships of northern Rakhine State—Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung. Survivors and eyewitnesses described mass killings and arson attacks by the Myanmar Army, Myanmar Police Force, Lon Tein (“security guards”) riot police, and local armed-civilians.

    “Sultan Ahmed,” a 27-year-old survivor from Chut Pyin village, witnessed armed residents from a nearby village working in concert with the Myanmar Army, killing Rohingya civilians. He told Fortify Rights: “Some people were beheaded, and many were cut. We were in the house hiding when [armed residents from a neighboring village] were beheading people. When we saw that, we just ran out the back of the house.”

    Myanmar Army soldiers and non-Rohingya armed-residents from a nearby village entered Chut Pyin village around 2 p.m. on August 27. Survivors described how soldiers shot and killed several residents, while people from a neighboring village armed with swords and knives hacked and, in some cases, beheaded Rohingya residents, including children. Soldiers reportedly arrested a large group of Rohingya men, marched them into a nearby bamboo hut, and set it on fire, burning them to death.

    “Abdul Rahman,” a 41-year-old survivor of the attacks on Chut Pyin village told Fortify Rights:

    „My brother was killed—[Myanmar Army soldiers] burned him with the group. We found [my other family members] in the fields. They had marks on their bodies from bullets and some had cuts. My two nephews, their heads were off. One was six-years old and the other was nine-years old. My sister-in-law was shot with a gun.”

    Survivors and eyewitnesses from Chut Pyin told Fortify Rights that soldiers and armed residents burned every house in the village. They explained that they had accounted for the whereabouts and well-being of 596 survivors from the village that had an estimated population of 1,400.

    After the Myanmar authorities and local armed-residents left the village, Rohingya survivors returned to the village to assess damage, at great personal risk, and to count the dead. Survivors estimated the death toll to be more than 200.

    The killing spree lasted for approximately five hours—from 2 p.m. to 7 p.m.

    Survivors from Kyet Yoe Pyin and Ba Da Kha Ywa Thit villages—both in Maungdaw Township—also described beheadings and throats being slit. Residents from many other villages described arson attacks and soldiers opening fire on fleeing civilians, including children.

    Fortify Rights also documented how Rohingya militants with the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) or Al Yaquin, as it is known locally, are also accused of killing civilians—suspected government “informants”—in recent days and months as well as preventing men and boys from fleeing Maungdaw Township.

    “Some militants won’t let the men go, they only let the women pass,” a Rohingya man in central Maungdaw Township told Fortify Rights by telephone. “They threaten people and say that if they try to cross the border, they will kill them.”

    Another Rohingya man from Kha Maung Seik village in northern Maungdaw Township told Fortify Rights that Rohingya militants stopped him and a large group of displaced civilians for two hours. He told Fortify Rights: “They didn’t beat us but they beat our guide who was showing us the way. They said we all had to go back and fight against the government.”

    Survivors and refugees described the Rohingya militants as small groups of young men—local residents—wearing civilian clothing or all-black “uniforms”—black pants and black short-sleeve and long-sleeve shirts—and armed with sticks, small knives, and, in some cases, swords and improvised explosive devices (IEDs). They reportedly received sticks, knives, and small sums of money in exchange for joining the group.

  5. Hannah Beech (vor Ort), New York Times (2.9.17): Desperate Rohingya Flee Myanmar on Trail of Suffering. ‘It Is All Gone.’
    ein umfassend informativer Artikel mit einem 4einhalb-Minuten-Video und Fotos.

    There are, clearly, combatants on the Rohingya side. The state news media have reported that more than 50 clashes have broken out between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, known by the acronym ARSA, and Myanmar security forces over the past week.

    That has further complicated life for civilians trying to flee.

    Mr. Ahmed, the farmer, said that he was too old to fight, but that 20 others from his village, Renuaz, had remained. “They have nothing to lose,” he said. “The Myanmar government wants to eradicate an entire ethnic group.”

    What the survivors are fleeing into is no haven. Bangladesh is itself poor, overcrowded and waterlogged, and has been reluctant to take on more displaced Rohingya. Around 400,000 already lived here before the exodus, according to government figures.

    An urgent humanitarian disaster is brewing here in a country hard-pressed to feed itself, much less a new influx of refugees that one Bangladeshi official estimated could soon surpass 100,000 people.

    For now, the Border Guard Bangladesh is mostly turning a blind eye and allowing the Rohingya to stream across the border.

  6. Jacob Judah on the Myanmar border, Guardian/Observer (2.9.17): Thousands of Rohingya flee Myanmar amid tales of ethnic cleansing

    Since 25 August, more than 18,500 Rohingya, a largely Muslim ethnic group, have fled into Bangladesh from Rakhine state. However, UN sources say they believe the true figure is closer to 28,000. And Bangladeshi aid workers claimed on Saturday that 70,000 – almost 10% of the Rohingya population – had crossed in less than 24 hours. “This is a new dimension,” said Adil Sakhawat, a journalist with the Dhaka Tribune.

    On top of those already here, UN sources have said there could be another 20,000 refugees stranded in a narrow strip of no man’s land that separates mainly Buddhist Myanmar and predominantly Muslim Bangladesh. Prevented from entering Bangladesh by border guards, these Rohingya have limited access to relief and have been forced to rely on the help of local villagers to survive.

    Rakhine state and the Rohingya are no strangers to ethnic violence. Fighting last October forced 87,000 Rohingya into Bangladesh. However, both refugees and Sakhawat said this year was different. “There were large influxes in 2012, 2015, and 2016, but this time it has broken every record,” he said. “It is drastically different.” Ominously, there are now fewer men entering Bangladesh than in previous years. Sakhawat, who walked four hours into the mountains in the Baichari area of the border, said: “The Rohingya told me that the Myanmar military are indiscriminately killing men of fighting age.” He said he also heard accounts from four villages in northern Maungdaw that “the military are taking the children from the arms of their mothers, and throwing them away”.

    A BGB guard (Border Guards Bangladesh, dvw), who refused to give his name, said: “Myanmar is scared of Arsa. They don’t attack the villages where they know Arsa has a presence. They only hit villages where they know there are only civilians.” He said the refugees had told him “they are targeting civilians”.

    Ashraful Azad, professor of international relations at Chittagong University, said the aim was ethnic cleansing. “Myanmar wants to remove all the Rohingya. It is genocide.”

    But the dynamics of the conflict in Rakhine are changing. Arsa is growing in strength. Buoyed by greater support among the population they have embedded themselves in the shelters at night and keep watch over the border. Refugees say Arsa is receiving money and weapons from groups in Malaysia, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Australia, and Arsa fighters have reportedly said new attacks in Myanmar are imminent.

    The Rohingya say that with greater support they could begin to push back against the Myanmar military. They are hoping for Bangladesh’s support, but this is unlikely to come. “The government is linking Arsa with home-grown Islamic networks,” said Azad. “They see Arsa as a threat and want to establish good relations with Myanmar at any cost.”

  7. James Hookway, Wall Street Journal: Myanmar Says Clearing of Rohingya Is Unfinished Business From WWII

    Army commander Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing’s remarks on Friday suggest it won’t ease off its campaign, describing it as “unfinished business” dating back to World War II.

    Speaking in the capital Naypyitaw, he said the army was pursuing its patriotic duty to preserve Myanmar’s borders and prevent Rohingya insurgents carving out their own territory in northern Rakhine State. He referred to communal violence in the area in 1942, when ethnic Rohingya who sided with the retreating British forces clashed with local ethnic-Rakhine Buddhists, who aligned themselves with the Japanese. Tens of thousands of people died in a failed attempt to create a Rohingya state.

    “We will never let such a terrible occurrence happen again,” Gen. Min Aung Hlaing said.

    Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel laureate who is now its de facto leader, has, for instance, commended the army for its recent campaign in Rakhine State. Her office last week released a statement blaming international aid agencies for helping Rohingya militants, prompting the U.N. to evacuate some of its staff.

    Since then, aid agencies have complained that they are finding it hard to find anyone to deliver food and medical supplies to Rohingya camps, while the shadow of violence looming over Rohingya villages grows.

    In Chut Pyin village on Aug. 27, survivors told the aid group how soldiers shot and killed Rohingya residents while Buddhists from nearby villagers hunted them down with knives and machetes. Some eyewitnesses described Rohingya villagers being beheaded. Others were forced into a bamboo shed which was then set alight.

  8. Simon Lewis, Wa Lone, Reuters: Nearly 90,000 Rohingya escape Myanmar violence as humanitarian crisis looms

    The number of those crossing the border into Bangladesh – 87,000 – surpassed the number who escaped Myanmar after a series of much smaller insurgent attacks in October that set off a military operation beset by accusations of serious human rights abuses.

    The newest estimate, based on calculations by U.N. workers in the Bangladeshi border district of Cox’s Bazar, takes to nearly 150,000 the total number of Rohingya who have sought refuge in Bangladesh since October.

  9. Oliver Holmes, Guardian: Myanmar blocks all UN aid to civilians at heart of Rohingya crisis

    Myanmar has blocked all United Nations aid agencies from delivering vital supplies of food, water and medicine to thousands of desperate civilians at the centre of a bloody military campaign in Myanmar, the Guardian has learned.

    The Office of the UN Resident Coordinator in Myanmar told the Guardian that deliveries were suspended “because the security situation and government field-visit restrictions rendered us unable to distribute assistance”, suggesting authorities were not providing permission to operate.

    “The UN is in close contact with authorities to ensure that humanitarian operations can resume as soon as possible,” it said. Aid was being delivered to other parts of Rakhine state, it added.

    In the deadliest violence for decades in the area, the military is accused of atrocities against the persecuted Muslim Rohingya minority, tens of thousands of whom have fled burning villages to neighbouring Bangladesh, many with bullet wounds.

    Staff from the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), have not conducted any field work in northern Rakhine for more than a week, a dangerous halt in life-saving relief that will affect poor Buddhist residents as well as Rohingya.

    The UN World Food Programme (WFP) said it also had to suspend distributions to other parts of the state, leaving a quarter of a million people without regular food access.

    Sixteen major non-government aid organisations – including Oxfam and Save the Children – have also complained that the government has restricted access to the conflict area.

    Humanitarian organisations are “deeply concerned about the fate of thousands of people affected by the ongoing violence” in northern Rakhine, said Pierre Peron, spokesman for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Myanmar.

    More than 100,000 Rohingya who have lived in displacement camps in Rakhine since 2012 when violence between Muslims and Buddhists forced them out of their homes, also stopped receiving assistance last week.

    Contractors reportedly refused to make deliveries to the camps because they were too scared of local resentment to show up for work. Latrines are overflowing in camps that normally receive regular assistance.

    Authorities have also denied international staff access by holding up visa approvals while “non-critical” staff from the north of the state have been evacuated.

    “There is an urgent need to ensure that displaced people and other civilians affected by the violence are protected and are given safe access to humanitarian assistance including food, water, shelter, and health services,” OCHA spokesman Peron said.

    “Humanitarian aid normally goes to these vulnerable people for a very good reason, because they depend on it,” he added. “For the sake of vulnerable people in all communities in Rakhine state, urgent measures must be taken to allow vital humanitarian activities to resume.”

  10. John Brown, Haaretz: As Violence Intensifies, Israel Continues to Arm Myanmar’s Military Junta

    Despite what is known at this point from the report of the United Nations envoy to the country and a report by Harvard University researchers that said the commission of crimes of this kind is continuing, the Israeli government persists in supplying weapons to the regime there.

    One of the heads of the junta, Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, visited Israel in September 2015 on a “shopping trip” of Israeli military manufacturers. His delegation met with President Reuven Rivlin as well as military officials including the army’s chief of staff. It visited military bases and defense contractors Elbit Systems and Elta Systems.

    The head of the Defense Ministry’s International Defense Cooperation Directorate — better known by its Hebrew acronym, SIBAT — is Michel Ben-Baruch, who went to Myanmar in the summer of 2015. In the course of the visit, which attracted little media coverage, the heads of the junta disclosed that they purchased Super Dvora patrol boats from Israel, and there was talk of additional purchases.

    In August 2016, images were posted on the website of TAR Ideal Concepts, an Israeli company that specializes in providing military training and equipment, showing training with Israeli-made Corner Shot rifles, along with the statement that Myanmar had begun operational use of the weapons. The website said the company was headed by former Israel Police Commissioner Shlomo Aharonishki. Currently the site makes no specific reference to Myanmar, referring only more generally to Asia.

    Israel’s High Court of Justice is scheduled to hear, in late September, a petition from human rights activists against the continued arms sales to Myanmar.

    In a preliminary response issued in March, the Defense Ministry argued that the court has no standing in the matter, which it called “clearly diplomatic.”

    On June 5, in answer to a parliamentary question by Knesset member Tamar Zandberg on weapons sales to Myanmar, Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman said that Israel “subordinates [itself] to the entire enlightened world, that is the Western states, and first of all the United States, the largest arms exporter. We subordinate ourselves to them and maintain the same policy.”

    He said the Knesset plenum may not be the appropriate forum for a detailed discussion of the matter and reiterated that Israel complies with “all the accepted guidelines in the enlightened world.”

    Lieberman statement was incorrect. The United States and the European Union have imposed an arms embargo on Myanmar. It’s unclear whether the cause was ignorance, and Lieberman is not fully informed about Israel’s arms exports (even though he must approve them), or an attempt at whitewashing.

    In terms of history, as well, Lieberman’s claim is incorrect. Israel supported war crimes in Argentina, for example, even when the country was under a U.S. embargo, and it armed the Serbian forces committing massacres in Bosnia despite a United Nations embargo.

  11. Daily Mail/afp: Bangladesh forces 2,000 Rohingya off remote island

    Officials said the island’s 9,000 residents, who share close cultural ties with the Rohingya and speak a similar language, had been hiding around 2,000 recent arrivals but were ordered to give them up.

    The head of the local council Noor Ahmad said mosque loudspeakers were used to ask residents to hand Rohingya arrivals over to the coast guard.

    „They told us to help find the Rohingya by any means and bring them to the coast guard camp,“ said Ahmad.

    Another elected official, Farid Ahmed, said 2,011 Rohingya including children were rounded up at the coast guard headquarters on Sunday evening and taken away.

    Both men said the Rohingya had been taken back to Myanmar on boats.

  12. BBC: Mediterranean rescue ship moves to Myanmar to save Rohingya

    „MOAS does not want to become part of a scenario where no one pays attention to the people who deserve protection, instead only focusing on preventing them from arriving on European shores with no consideration of their fate when trapped on the other side of the sea.“

    However Mrs Catrambone and MOAS said they were keen not to let what they had built over three years go to waste, and which was why they had decided to redeploy their flagship vehicle, the Phoenix, thousands of miles east, for its next mission.

    The ship is expected to take about three weeks to reach the Bay of Bengal.

    The organisation said that the boat „will deliver much-needed humanitarian assistance and aid to the Rohingya people, and will work to provide a platform for transparency, advocacy and accountability in the region“.

  13. Reuters: Myanmar’s Suu Kyi under pressure as almost 125,000 Rohingya flee violence

    SHAMLAPUR, Bangladesh/DHAKA (Reuters) – Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi has come under pressure from countries with large Muslim populations including Bangladesh, Indonesia and Pakistan to halt violence against Rohingya Muslims after nearly 125,000 of them fled to Bangladesh.

    Reuters reporters saw hundreds of exhausted Rohingyas arriving on boats near the village of Shamlapur in Bangladesh near the Myanmar border. The village, facing the Bay of Bengal, appears to have become the newest receiving point for the refugees after authorities cracked down on human traffickers in a different part of the Teknaf peninsula.

    Indonesian foreign minister Retno Marsudi was due in the Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka, on Tuesday after meeting the Nobel peace laureate and army chief Min Aung Hlaing to urge that Myanmar halt the bloodshed.

    “The security authorities need to immediately stop all forms of violence there and provide humanitarian assistance and development aid for the short and long term,” Retno said after her meetings in the Myanmar capital.

    BBC – Myanmar conflict: Rohingya refugee surge hits Bangladesh

    The number of Rohingya refugees crossing from Myanmar into Bangladesh has surged, the UN says, with more than 35,000 new arrivals identified in the last 24 hours. …

    Many of those who have fled describe troops and Rakhine Buddhist mobs razing their villages and killing civilians in a campaign to drive them out. …

    Independently verifying the situation on the ground is very difficult because access is restricted, but since the police-post attacks Rohingya families have been streaming north into Bangladesh.

    The UN says it is not clear exactly when the latest refugees arrived, but said the number of new arrivals needing food and shelter had surged dramatically.

    Two main UN camps for them are now full, so people are sleeping outside or building shelters on open ground and along roads, a spokeswoman said. Many are in dire need of food and water.

    „We fled to a hill when the shooting started. The army set fire to houses,“ Salim Ullah, a farmer from Myanmar’s Kyauk Pan Du village, told Reuters news agency as he arrived in Bangladesh.

    „We got on the boat at daybreak. I came with my mother, wife and two children. There were 40 people on a boat, including 25 women.“

    Fighting appeared to be continuing in Rakhine, a UN situation report said, with smoke seen at at least 15 points close to the Bangladesh border.

    Thousands of Buddhist villagers in Rakhine are also reported to have fled south. One woman told BBC Burmese she saw Rohingya militants attack people in her village with swords and ran for her life.

    „The security authorities need to immediately stop all forms of violence there and provide humanitarian assistance and development aid for the short and long term,“ said Indonesia Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi.

    Ms Retno met Myanmar’s de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, on Monday and was due in the Bangladeshi capital today.

    Indonesia is one of several nations where there have been protests over the issue. Pakistan and Malaysia have spoken out, and the Maldives has suspended trade with Myanmar. The Turkish president called Ms Suu Kyi to raise concerns about human rights abuses, Turkish media said.

    Chechnya and Indian-administered Kashmir have seen protests and Kyrgyzstan has postponed an Asian Cup football qualifier with Myanmar, citing possible protests.

    On Monday, a senior UN human rights official said it was time for Ms Suu Kyi to step in to protect the Rohingya.

    On Tuesday Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrives in Myanmar for an official visit, but the extent to which he will raise the issue is unclear.

    Last month, his government – which wants to boost economic and military ties with Myanmar – announced plans to deport India’s 40,000 Rohingya refugees, because it says they are illegal migrants.

  14. Channel NewsAsia: Suspected landmines maim Rohingya fleeing Myanmar

    COX’S BAZAR, Bangladesh: Two Rohingya children – one of whom lost a leg – were injured by an apparent landmine blast as they tried to flee unrest in Myanmar on Tuesday (Sep 5), a Bangladesh border official said.

    The incident came after a Rohingya woman had a leg blown off in the same area on Monday, raising fears that the border area had been deliberately mined.

    „They stepped onto some sort of explosives this morning and one of them lost his leg,“ border guard commander Manzurul Hasan Khan told AFP on Tuesday of the two children.

    It is not known what caused the blast, which he said was well inside Myanmar territory, but Khan said he believed it was a landmine.

    Khan said a Rohingya woman had been brought to the border on Monday after losing half her leg in a blast, hours after guards heard a loud explosion from the Myanmar side.

    Khan said many Rohingya were also entering Bangladesh with bullet wounds, although it was impossible to say how these were sustained as media access to the worst-hit parts of Myanmar’s neighbouring Rakhine state is limited.

  15. amnesty international – Myanmar: Restrictions on international aid putting thousands at risk

    “Rakhine state is on the precipice of a humanitarian disaster. Nothing can justify denying life-saving aid to desperate people. By blocking access for humanitarian organizations, Myanmar’s authorities have put tens of thousands of people at risk and shown a callous disregard for human life,” said Tirana Hassan, Amnesty International’s Director for Crisis Response.

    “These restrictions will affect all communities in Rakhine State. The government must immediately change course and allow humanitarian organizations full and unfettered access to all parts of the state to assist people in need.”

    Aid activities have been suspended in the northern part of the state for the last week, while in other parts authorities are denying humanitarian actors access to communities in need, predominantly people from the Rohingya minority. According to humanitarian workers, restrictions on their activities and access began in early August but deteriorated significantly since the 25 August attacks.

    Tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee from their homes since the violence began. According to latest UN estimates 90,000 Rohingya refugees have crossed the border into Bangladesh, while the Myanmar government has evacuated over 11,000 people belonging to other ethnic minority communities living in northern Rakhine State.

    Thousands of people – mostly Rohingya – are believed to be stranded in the mountains of northern Rakhine State, where the UN and international NGOs are unable to assess their needs or to provide shelter, food and protection.

    One humanitarian official working on Rakhine State told Amnesty International:

    “The Muslims are starving in their homes. Markets are closed and people can’t leave their villages, except to flee. There is widespread intimidation by the authorities, who are clearly using food and water as a weapon.”

  16. Volker Pabst kommentiert in der NZZ:

    Burma ist kein Gottesstaat, sondern ein Land, in dem noch immer das Militär alle wesentlichen Zügel in der Hand hält. Dennoch haben die jüngsten Vorfälle auch ein religionspolitisches Element, geschehen sie doch in einem staatlich geduldeten antimuslimischen Klima. Entsprechend erhält die Armee für ihr hartes Vorgehen in Rakhine Applaus aus der nationalreligiösen Ecke. Bei Demonstrationen in der Hauptstadt Rangun forderten radikale buddhistische Mönche jüngst sogar noch mehr Schärfe im Umgang mit den Muslimen.

    Die minderheitenfeindliche Hetze verträgt sich schlecht mit dem Bild, das man sich im Westen von den Anhängern Siddharta Gautamas, des Buddha, macht. Nach dem verbreiteten Glauben müssen doch die friedliebenden Buddhisten die Opfer von Aggressionen sein, wie in Tibet, nicht aber die Täter. Denn die Glaubenslehre steht für innere Wahrheitssuche und Toleranz, sicherlich nicht für Gewaltbereitschaft. Und eigentlich stimmt das natürlich auch.

    Es gibt aber auch einen gewaltbereiten radikalen Buddhismus, neben Burma etwa in Sri Lanka. Die bekanntesten Protagonisten der religiösen Rechten in den beiden Ländern schlossen 2014 sogar einen Pakt zur gegenseitigen Unterstützung im Kampf gegen den Islamismus. Beiderorts nahmen seither Übergriffe auf Muslime zu.

  17. Tasnima Uddin, Independent: What created the blueprint for Rohingya genocide in Myanmar? Western colonialism

    In 1948 British Rule ended in Burma; the military regime thus began to create a new sense of nationhood, during which the scapegoating of the Rohingya started manifesting within the Myanmar public. Visibly different from the Burmese due to their darker skin colour and religion, the popular myth is that Rohingya communities came from Bangladesh. In fact though, they have deep historical and ancestral roots belonging to the postcolonial borders of Myanmar.

    Similarities with Bangladeshi communities is natural due to Arakan neighbouring the Bangladeshi province of Chittagong: indeed, the separation of these provinces and the implementation of borders were a product of colonial rule. The British had actually promised independence to the Rohingya during the war with Japan, though the promise was subsequently revoked. Predicting the escalating tensions between the Rohingya and other Burmese ethnic communities, some Rohingyas even petitioned for them to be included into East Pakistan (now known as Bangladesh) during the 1947 partition.

    The historical progression of the present persecution can be traced back to 1962 when a military coup swept to power. In order to establish a mandate for them to rule, they began to use religion as an indication of whether one was a proper citizen of the state, exploiting Buddhism to justify their nationalism. In 1974, the Rohingyas had their identity stripped and were classified as “foreigners” by the state. This led to large numbers of Rohingyas fleeing to neighbouring countries, escaping violence which this legislation appeared to justify.

    In 1982 the Citizenship law was enacted, not only excluding the Rohingya from attaining citizenship but also denying them the right to live in Myanmar unless they had solid evidence to show their ancestors lived there prior to independence – even though such citizenship documents for most communities are impossible to obtain.

    Known as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants, Myanmar authorities refuse to use the term Rohingya, legitimising the systematic erasure of the Rohingya as an identity.

    In 2013, Win Myaing, the official spokesperson of the Rakhine State Government said “How can it be ethnic cleansing? They are not an ethnic group.” By referring to them as Bangladeshi Muslims the state not only presents them as a symbol of Muslim invasion (which is seen as a global problem) but also as the “Bengali Muslim”, which has been constructed as an ethnically inferior identity and used throughout the Indian subcontinent to justify and legitimise genocide, whether within the Bangladeshi Liberation War or the Nellie massacre in Assam, India.

    Violence has been escalating dangerously after the 2012 Rakhine State riots, with thousands killed and more than 125,000 Rohingya Muslims displaced. Since then more than 140,000 Rohingyas have been forced to flee Myanmar altogether, becoming refugees in neighbouring countries, facing different levels of prejudices within Bangladesh, India, Thailand and Malaysia. Earlier this year more than 1,000 Rohingya were killed in a new crackdown by the Myanmar state, say UN officials. The Rohingya also describe military tactics of systematic rape being used against them.

    Myanmar’s government and military now stand accused of war crimes. The international community meanwhile refuses to act; and the British government has blood on its hands after selling more than half a million pounds worth of weapons to Myanmar over the past three years. Boris Johnson’s cowardly response as the Foreign Secretary only further idolised a woman who passes off allegations of genocide as „fake news“. The Rohingya need urgent action; most are living in refugee camps, denied citizenship, basic health care and employment.

    Put bluntly, the destruction of an ethnic group is genocide and the continual indifference by the international community only enables and legitimises Myanmar’s violence.

  18. Lennox Samuels, The Daily Beast: Burma’s Nobel Peace Prize Winner Aung Suu Kyi Winks at Rohingya Massacres

    Even Malala Yousafzai has joined in the criticism. „Over the last several years, I have repeatedly condemned this tragic and shameful treatment [of the Rohingya],” Malala tweeted this week. „I am still waiting for my fellow Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi to do the same. The world is waiting and the Rohingya Muslims are waiting.“

    Malala and the world may be waiting a while.

    Suu Kyi has shown no inclination to challenge the military crackdown, perhaps for fear of angering the generals who permitted the general election that brought her National League for Democracy to power, but who still control the most important levers of power. The brass may have retreated to their barracks and ceded nominal control to Suu Kyi as “state counselor,” but they still control the ministries of defense, home affairs and border affairs and have reserved 25 percent of the People’s Assembly’s 440 seats for the military.

    “She’s very careful about how far she can push the generals,” one analyst said at a recent Bangkok forum on Burma, noting that it would not take much for the former junta to roar back to direct rule.

    There’s some question about whether Suu Kyi cares much about Rohingyas in the first place. She’s a Buddhist traditionalist and a brahmin—daughter of revered independence hero the late Gen. Aung Saw—in a majority Buddhist nation that sees the Muslim Rohingyas as foreigners who have no claims to citizenship regardless of birth and who should be evicted, their property confiscated. Many Buddhists citizens shrug off reports of suffering among fleeing Rohingyas—believing the refugees are in fact “Bengalis” who migrated illegally from Bangladesh.

    Ashin Wirathu, a Buddhist monk who is one of Myanmar’s anti-Muslim leaders (and who once referred to himself as the “the Burmese bin Laden”) criticized Suu Kyi’s civilian government late last month in the capital, Yangon. “Only the military’s commander in chief can protect the lives and the properties of the people,” the Associated Press quoted him saying. “The military is the only one that can give a lesson to tame the Bengali terrorists.”

    That is not an isolated viewpoint in the country—as Suu Kyi undoubtedly knows.

    As the crackdown continues in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, where most of the country’s 1 million Rohingya live, reports detail executions, rapes and other outrages. The United Nations Human Rights Commission—which is not allowed into the affected areas—says satellite data show the burning of entire Rohingya villages. Suu Kyi, however, rejects talk of ethnic cleansing as “too strong,” saying only that the army is conducting “clearance operations” against insurgents, the so-called Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army or ARSA.

    “Her handling of this ongoing calamity that has befallen the Rohingya minority is nothing less than a profound leadership failure,” Kine tells The Daily Beast.

    Suu Kyi also betrays a nationalist sensibility not dissimilar to the white-protective rhetoric of some Trump supporters in the United States, suggesting that Rakhine citizens fear being overwhelmed by hordes of Rohingyas. “In the Rakhine, it’s not just the Muslims who are nervous and worried,” she said last December. “The Rakhine are worried, too. They are worried about the fact that they are shrinking as a Rakhine population, percentage-wise.”

    Such comments don’t inspire much faith amongst the hard-hit minority, who have even seen humanitarian aid to Rakhine cut off.

    And it’s fair to say that Suu Kyi will not heed U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres’ plea that her government immediately grant the Rohingya nationality or legal-residence status.

    This comes in the face of “reports of mass killings,” says Human Rights Watch’s Kine. “The government of Myanmar is utterly failing to protect the most fundamental rights of its Rohingya minority,” he says.

    Some months ago, Suu Kyi criticized outside news coverage and the international community as unfair and unhelpful, insisting that Myanmar be given time to sort things out for itself. That sounded remarkably like “just a politician” telling the “dishonest” media and foreigners to butt out.

  19. Mehdi Hasan, The Intercept: Burmese Nobel Prize Winner Aung San Suu Kyi Has Turned Into an Apologist for Genocide Against Muslims (links nicht eingepflegt)

    Aung San Suu Kyi is one of the most celebrated human rights icons of our age: Nobel Peace Laureate, winner of the Sakharov Prize, recipient of the Presidential Medal of Freedom, an Amnesty International-recognized prisoner of conscience for 15 long years.

    These days, however, she is also an apologist for genocide, ethnic cleansing and mass rape.

    For the past year, Aung San Suu Kyi has been State Counselor, or de facto head of government, in Myanmar, where members of the Rohingya Muslim minority in the northern Rakhine state have been shot, stabbed, starved, robbed, raped and driven from their homes in the hundreds of thousands. In December, while the world focused on the fall of Aleppo, more than a dozen Nobel Laureates published an open letter warning of a tragedy in Rakhine “amounting to ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.”

    In February, a report by the United Nations documented how the Burmese army’s attacks on the Rohingya were “widespread as well as systematic” thus “indicating the very likely commission of crimes against humanity.” More than half of the 101 Rohingya women interviewed by UN investigators across the border in Bangladesh said they had suffered rape or other forms of sexual violence at the hands of security forces. “They beat and killed my husband with a knife,” one survivor recalled. “Five of them took off my clothes and raped me. My eight-month old son was crying of hunger when they were in my house because he wanted to breastfeed, so to silence him they killed him too with a knife.”

    And the response of Aung San Suu Kyi? This once-proud campaigner against wartime rape and human rights abuses by the Burmese military has opted to borrow from the Donald Trump playbook of denial and deflection. Her office accused Rohingya women of fabricating stories of sexual violence and put the words “fake rape” — in the form of a banner headline, no less — on its official website. A spokesperson for the Foreign Ministry — also controlled directly by Aung San Suu Kyi — dismissed “made-up stories, blown out of proportion.” In February, the State Counselor herself reportedly told the Archbishop of Yangon, Charles Bo, that the international community is exaggerating the Rohingya issue.

    This is Trumpism 101: Deny. Discredit. Smear.

    The standard Western media narrative is to accuse The Lady, as she is known by her admirers, of silence and of a grotesque failure to speak out against these human rights abuses. In an editorial last May, the New York Times denounced Suu Kyi’s “cowardly stance on the Rohingya.”

    Yet hers is not merely a crime of omission, a refusal to denounce or condemn. Hers are much worse crimes of commission. She took a deliberate decision to try and discredit the Rohingya victims of rape. She went out of her way to accuse human rights groups and foreign journalists of exaggerations and fabrications. She demanded that the U.S. government stop using the name “Rohingya” — thereby perpetuating the pernicious myth that the Muslims of Rakhine are “Bengali” interlopers (rather than a Burmese community with a centuries-long presence inside Myanmar.) She also appointed a former army general to investigate the recent attacks on the Rohingya and he produced a report in January that, not surprisingly, whitewashed the well-documented crimes of his former colleagues in the Burmese military.

    Silence, therefore, is the least of her sins. Silence also suggests a studied neutrality. Yet there is nothing neutral about Aung San Suu Kyi’s stance. She has picked her side and it is the side of Buddhist nationalism and crude Islamophobia.

    “Saints should always be judged guilty,” wrote George Orwell, in his famous 1949 essay on Mahatma Gandhi, “until they are proved innocent.” There is no evidence of innocence when it comes to Aung San Suu Kyi and her treatment of the Rohingya — only complicity and collusion in unspeakable crimes. This supposed saint is now an open sinner. The former political prisoner and democracy activist has turned into a genocide-denying, rape-excusing, Muslim-bashing Buddhist nationalist. Forget the house arrest and the Nobel Prize. This is how history will remember The Lady of Myanmar.

  20. Jonathan Head, BBC:

    Zeit Online hingegen leistet sich immer noch aufgehübschte Agenturmeldungen, die man nur dann zuordnen kann, wenn man sich vorher anderswo informiert hat – andernfalls fällt das folgende unter grobe Klitterung: Rohingya-Rebellen rufen Waffenstillstand aus

    In Myanmar haben die Rohingya-Rebellen einen einseitigen Waffenstillstand ausgerufen. Die Feuerpause solle einen Monat lang gelten, teilten die Aufständischen auf Twitter mit. Damit sollten Hilfslieferungen für die Not leidenden Menschen in der Region ermöglicht werden.

    Die Rebellen der muslimischen Minderheit kämpfen seit rund zwei Wochen im nordwestlichen Bundesstaat Rakhine gegen die Streitkräfte von Myanmar. Bei einer Militäroffensive wurden hunderte Menschen getötet. Nach UN-Angaben flohen 290.000 Menschen vor der Gewalt ins Nachbarland Bangladesch.

    Da sich hier kaum jemand für den Genozid an den Rohingya interessiert und ich nur noch monologisiere, beende ich den Medienservice.

  21. Vielleicht sehen Sie sich ja eher Bilder an. Laut Human Rights Watch wurden inzwischen 105 Dörfer in Rakhine niedergebrannt:

    Quelle

    In Bangladesh richtet die Armee gerade ein Internierungslager für 400.000 Rohingya ein, das ist in etwa die Hälfte der in den letzten Jahren und aktuell aus Myanmar Geflüchteten:

    Quelle

    Fehlen noch rund 500.000, dann ist Myanmar muslimfrei, mission accomplished.

    War da nicht mal was mit „Nie wieder“?
    Der Genozid an den Rohingya fällt definitiv unter „wieder“ und es interessiert hier kaum wen. Dieser Blog wurde stolze 138 Mal aufgerufen, das ist selbst für meine bescheidenen Maßstäbe unterwältigend.

  22. Persecution, Forced Displacement, and Genocide of Rohingya, Kachin, Shan, Karen and other minorities of Myanmar, Dr. Gregory H. Stanton (Research Professor in Genocide Studies and Prevention at the School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Arlington, Virginia), daraus:

    ARSA’s violent attacks have turned what was seen by most observers as one-sided aggression against a peaceful people into the misperception that this is a two sided civil war. It plays directly into the Myanmar government’s narrative of counter-terrorism.

    Such attribution of evil intent to the victims is called “mirroring” by genocide scholars. The victims are said to intend to commit exactly the same crimes that the perpetrators plan to commit against the victims. Mirroring is a powerful justification for and incitement to genocide. It was used when the Nazis accused Jews of intending to slaughter Germans; by Hutu Power militias in Rwanda when they accused Tutsis of intending to murder all Hutus; and by Bosnian Serb militias when they accused Bosnian Muslims of intending to kill Serbs. It is the equivalent of the self-defense claim in justification for killing.

  23. Saskia Sassen, HuffPost: The Assault On The Rohingya Is Not Only About Religion — It’s Also About Land (nicht alle links eingepflegt):

    Two recent developments make me question whether religion gives us the full picture of what is happening now.

    The first is the Myanmar government’s 2016 decision to include a relatively significant 3 million acres of Rakhine rural land in the national list of land allocations for “economic development.” Before this, according to government documents, Rakhine was only in the list for a mere 17,000 acres allocated in 2012. In Myanmar, the government’s language of “economic development” describes allocations of land that the military has de facto control over and have been selling to Burmese and foreign firms for the past 20 years. But Rakhine, a forgotten poor area at the margins of the country, had not really been part of such allocations. To some extent, the international, almost exclusive focus on religion has overshadowed the vast land grabs that have affected millions of people in Myanmar over the years, and now also the Rohingya.

    This in itself, then, raises a question: What happened to change that longstanding indifference to the poorest state of the country?

    Perhaps it was a Chinese consortium’s plan to develop a $7.3 billion deep-sea port at Kyaukpyu on the coast of Rakhine and a $3.2 billion industrial park nearby. China-funded development projects in Myanmar would be key links in Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative. So the land freed by the radical expulsion of the Rohingya might have become of interest to the military and its role in leading economic development around the country.

    Religion may be functioning as a veil that military leaders can use to minimize attention on the land-grabbing aspect of this economic development part of their agenda. This is new in Rakhine, but it has happened in many other parts of Myanmar. For two decades, the military has controlled land allocation to national and foreign actors.

    Chinese enterprises, mostly state-owned, have been key developers in Myanmar for years. And Beijing’s influence is growing. For example, Beijing is a major backer of the controversial $3.6 billion Myitsone Dam project in northern Myanmar, which threatens to upset fishing industries and displace thousands of people. China is also a key actor in the timber industry in Myanmar’s vast forests. Over a million acres of forest land are being lost every year in recent years; a third of these forests is now gone.

    We can see why the Kyaukpyu project would be highly desirable for Beijing. It fits Beijing’s goal of internationalizing its economy and would be an important piece in the $900 billion Belt and Road Initiative. It would give China a major foothold in the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean beyond. This is a project with global aspirations.

    This is not a side of the Rohingya issue that has been widely included in the international discussion regarding the extreme attacks and expulsions of Rohingya over the last few weeks. The focus in the international community has been exclusively on the fact of religious persecution.

  24. Wa Lone, Andrew R.C. Marshall, Reuters: ‚We will kill you all‘

    Hannah Beech, New York Times: Rohingya Militants Vow to Fight Myanmar Despite Disastrous Cost

    From its start four years ago as a small-scale effort to organize a Rohingya resistance, ARSA — which is known locally as Harakah al-Yaqin, or the Faith Movement — has managed to stage two deadly attacks on Myanmar’s security forces: one last October and the other last month.

    But in lashing out against the government, the militants have also made their own people a target. And they have handed Myanmar’s military an attempt at public justification by saying that it is fighting terrorism, even as it has burned down dozens of villages and killed fleeing women and children.

    This radicalization of a new generation of Rohingya, a Muslim minority in a Buddhist-majority country, adds fuel to an already combustible situation in Rakhine, Myanmar’s poorest state.

    ARSA’s attempt at insurgency politics has been disastrous so far — a cease-fire that they declared this month was rejected by the military, and they are reported to have suffered lopsided casualties compared with the government’s. But the men caught up in the cause insist that resistance is worth the steep cost, even to their families.

    “This fight is not just about my fate or my family’s fate,” said Noor Alam, a 25-year-old insurgent whose family was sheltering in a forest in Myanmar after their village in Maungdaw Township was burned. “It’s a matter of the existence of all Rohingya. If we have to sacrifice ourselves for our children to live peacefully, then it is worth it.”

    “We’ve talked about the risks of radicalization for years, and the writing was on the wall for some sort of militant activity,” said Matthew Smith, a co-founder of Fortify Rights, a human rights watchdog group based in Bangkok. “In our view, the best way to deal with risks of extremism and radicalization is to promote and respect the rights of the Rohingya, which is not what the Myanmar military is doing.”

    ARSA has also been accused of killing other ethnic populations in Rakhine, such as Hindus and Buddhist Rakhine. At least a dozen non-Rohingya civilians have been killed since Aug. 25, according to Myanmar’s government, along with at least 370 Rohingya militants.

    The radicalized population in Bangladesh’s overcrowded refugee camps does not hide its fervor.

    “Even if I stay in my home, I could get killed by the military,” said Abul Osman, a 32-year-old madrasa instructor and ARSA fighter who spent three months hiding in the jungly hills on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border after the group’s attack last October. “I might as well die fighting for my rights, as directed by my almighty God. My sacrifice will earn me a place in heaven.”

    But not everyone wants to be sacrificed. When vigilante mobs and Myanmar’s soldiers burned down his village, Noor Kamal, 18, tried to flee with his 6-year-old brother, Noor Faruq. Both were hacked in the head by ethnic Rakhine armed with machetes and scythes.

    At a bleak government hospital in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, Noor Kamal shivered with outrage at the ARSA insurgents from his village in northern Maungdaw Township, who attacked a local police post last month. “We are the ones who are suffering because of Al Yaqin,” he said. “They disappeared after the attack. We were the ones left behind for the military to kill.”

    The besieged villages in Rakhine and squalid refugee settlements in Bangladesh, where at least 800,000 Rohingya now live in desperate conditions, make for fertile ground for transnational militant groups looking for recruits, even if ARSA said this past week that it had no links to such groups.

    Earlier this month, in a video message, a leader of Al Qaeda in Yemen urged Muslims in Asia to show solidarity with the Rohingya by launching attacks on “enemies of God.”

    ARSA, which was founded by a Rohingya named Ataullah, who was born in Pakistan and raised in Saudi Arabia, does not yet have the kind of firepower that can pose a serious threat to one of Asia’s biggest armies. Its Aug. 25 strike involved thousands of men but killed only about a dozen security officers. Its first assault, in October, killed nine police officers.

    By contrast, other ethnic rebel forces, which have battled the state for decades, have clashed far more violently with the Tatmadaw, as Myanmar’s army is known. The Arakan Army, an insurgency fighting for ethnic Rakhine rights, killed at least 300 soldiers in the first half of last year, according to a military document.

    Unlike ARSA, neither the Arakan Army nor other ethnic militant groups have been designated as terrorists by Myanmar’s government.

    “Why does Burma call us terrorists?” asked Dil Mohammed, a university-educated Rohingya now living in Bangladesh, using the former name for Myanmar. “It’s one word: Islam.”

    ARSA was formed four years ago, in the wake of sectarian clashes between the Rohingya and the Rakhine. Dozens were killed, mostly Muslims. Since then, many Rohingya have been barred from leaving their villages or sequestered in ghettos. Young men have no jobs. The military shuttered mosques and madrasas, leaving the faithful idle.

    The military’s heavy-handed response to the ARSA strike last October served as a turning point. Nearly every Rohingya village in northern Rakhine now has an ARSA cell with at least 10 members, according to fighters who fled to Bangladesh.

    “We realized that it’s only through Al Yaqin that we can get our message to the international community that we exist,” said the 70-year-old father of an ARSA fighter who arrived in Bangladesh with two bullet wounds. “Otherwise, we will all just die.”

    During their strikes, ARSA insurgents often dress in black and rouse themselves with the chant “Speak loudly! God is the greatest!” In their initiation rites, the militants promise that their families will not object if they die as martyrs. A dearth of weapons, beyond homemade explosives and crude knives, has increased the chances of such deaths.

    Mohammed Jalal, whose cousin is the village ARSA chief and is still fighting back in Rakhine, said he was willing to forfeit his son for the cause. “It is dangerous, but if he dies for his people and his land, then it is Allah’s will,” he said.

    Next to him, Mohammed Harun, 10, nodded his head. “I would go to fight,” he said. “I am not scared.”

  25. Doch verehrte Dame, ich interessiere mich sehr fuer Ihre Berichterstattung.
    Merkwuerdigerweise konnte ich die letzten Monate hier in Indonesien Ihren Blog nicht aufrufen, seit heute geht es aus unerfindlichen Gruenden wieder.
    Ihre Myanmarberichte sind mit das erste was ich hier durchlese um die Links durchzuforschen brauche ich aber noch ein paar Tage um die alle durchzulesen (ein paar kannte ich schon).
    Da ich schon lange in Indonesien lebe ist fuer mich eine Medienpraesenz in englischer Sprache selbstverstaendlich geworden, da englischsprachige Medien (also nicht nur aus UK, USA, Australia, NZ u. S. A.) ueber aussereuropaeische Horizonte generell informieren.
    Dt. Sprachige Medien sind erschreckend provinziell.
    Ihre Einschaetzung, dass die Islamisten von der westl. Ignoranz in naher Zukunft von diesem Genozid profitieren, teile ich.
    Hier in Indonesien war das Thema in allen Medien dauerpraesent, da es ja auch um Glaubensbrueder/schwestern geht, aber da als Mitglied des ASEAN sich die Regierung es sich nicht erlauben will klare Worte zufinden, profelieren sich hier die konservativen und islamistischen Verbaende wie die FPI oeffentlichkeitswirksam zum Thema Rohingya.
    Sehr schwierige Situation fuer mich und progressive lokale Organisationen hier.
    Die von dem Militaer (TNI) gegruendeten und gesponsorten fundamentalistischen Kriminellen der FPI bestimmen z. T. den Diskurs und befinden sich auch noch auf der moralisch richtigen Seite.

    • Das ist ein wichtiger Punkt, der in deutschsprachigen Medien so gut wie gar nicht vorkommt: die ASEAN-Staaten pflegen sozusagen als ihre Gründungs-DNA die strikte Nichteinmischung in die inneren Angelegenheiten anderer Mitgliedsstaaten. Deswegen fiel auch die vergleichsweise sehr harsche Kritik an der burmesischen Ausbürgerungspolitik beim ASEAN-Gipfel vor zwei Jahren (während parallel Tausende meist Rohingya auf steuerlos gemachten Booten in der Andamensee dümpelten) hier kaum jemandem auf. Es ist sowieso erschütternd, wie wenig sich die deutschsprachigen Medien für Entwicklungen außerhalb von Europa/USA interessieren, ja: erschreckend provinziell.

      Ich habe mich schon seit einer ganzen Weile nicht mehr um Updates der Rohingya-Blogs gekümmert, aus zwei Gründen: die Blogs liest kaum jemand und ich halte es kaum noch aus, denn das Elend in Bangladesh wird täglich größer, der UNHCR versagt an den Rohingya schon seit Jahren auf ganzer Linie und privat finanzierte NGOs können das aktuell kaum auffangen.

      Abgesehen davon und von den stetig steigenden Flüchtlingszahlen wurde hauptsächlich vermeldet, daß die israelische Regierung auf ihren Waffengeschäften mit der burmesischen Regierung beharrt und das war mir ein zu rutschiger Abgrund militaristischer Starrköpfigkeit mit Gewinnabsicht, über dessen Vorgeschichte ich viel zu wenig weiß.

      Keine Ahnung, ob Sie Fortify Rights kennen – eine a.m.S. sehr solide arbeitende NGO und immer sehr gut informiert. Ansonsten erweist sich Twitter als erstaunlich gute Nachrichtenschleuder, unter dem Hashtag Rohingya läßt sich ein erster Eindruck gewinnen, welche Kräfte sich für die Rohingya interessieren (und welche nicht).

      Der wahrscheinliche weitere Verlauf ist erschreckend absehbar – es wird vermutlich mehr Militante wie ARSA geben und die werden in Myanmar und wahrscheinlich auch in Bangladesh den Anlaß bieten, eine runde Million Menschen noch weiter zu entrechten. Das zum speziell deutschen Thema „Nie wieder“, es ist zum Weinen.

  26. http://www.taz.de/Klage-der-Herero-gegen-Deutschland/!5476165/
    „Die Begründung des deutschen Antrags zeigt überdies erneut, dass dem juristischen Begriff „Genozid“ eine Schlüsselbedeutung zukommt, etwa beim Vorwurf der Herero und Nama, sie seien im Zusammenhang mit dem Genozid enteignet worden. Das ist historisch zutreffend! Allein der Anwalt Deutschlands weist diesen Vorwurf, der wohl auch dazu dienen soll, Wiedergutmachungsforderungen zu begründen, dadurch zurück, dass er den Begriff des Genozids, der 1948 internationales Recht wurde, als nicht rückwirkend gültig erklärt. „Der juristische Begriff des Völkermordes“, so das Schreiben, „ist auf die mutmaßlichen Gräueltaten, die zwischen 1885 und 1909 stattfanden, nicht anwendbar.“
    Es ist nur noch von „Gräueltaten“ die Rede
    Auch dies verdeutlicht, warum Deutschland sich so schwer mit dem Begriff des Völkermordes tut. In Namibia kursiert das Gerücht, auch die deutsche Delegation bei den laufenden Regierungsverhandlungen würde vom Begriff des Völkermordes abrücken, stattdessen lieber von „atrocities“ (Gräueltaten) sprechen – ein Begriff, bei dem man keine juristischen Folgen befürchtet. Der deutsche Botschafter in Namibia sprach öffentlich in letzter Zeit ebenfalls von Gräueltaten statt von Genozid.“
    Die (zukünftige) Entschädigung gehört nicht dem Staat Namibia sondern den Herero und Nama!

    • Unsere als „Wiedergutmachung“ bezeichneten (und höchst übersichtlichen) Zahlungen an Israel fußen nach dieser Anwaltslogik auch auf Rechtsbruch.

      Einerseits verjährt Genozid nie, andererseits gibt’s den erst seit 1948? Ebenso, wie die Menschenrechte unvordenkliches Recht sind, kommen auch schreckliche Verstöße dagegen immer schon vor.

      Der Umgang unserer Regierung/Behörden mit der Verantwortung für Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit ist unerträglich und zwar egal, ob gegenüber Herero und Nama, Juden, Zwangsarbeitern, Opfern des SS-Terror in Italien usw. – es ist immer die gleiche widerwärtige Knickrigkeit. Als ob „Gräueltaten“ der Entschädigung für wert befunden würden…

      • Es ist auch unwürdig für mich als Staatsbürger. Da setze ich im real life auch an in Gesprächen. Landläufig wird das Rumgeeire durchaus wohlwollend betrachtet: „Da kommen dann alle angeschissen und wir blablabla…“
        Mit Recht (was ja, am Rande, das in „“ auch beinhaltet) und warum regeln unsere Volksvertreter das nicht und machen sich diesbezüglich nicht mehr angreifbar, wenn der moralische Zeigefinger kommt („Ihr Deutschen müsst den Ball gaanz flach halten…“) ?!?

        Und damit ich nicht zu sehr abschweife; warum erkennen wir als BRD den Genozid an den Rohingya (wird wohl noch paar mehr Minderheiten in Burma betreffen, die nicht auf Parteilinie sind) nicht an und sorgen dafür, daß da wenigstens sowenig wie möglich verrecken, vergewaltigt etc. werden?
        Da muß ich auch nicht an das Rote Kreuz/Halbmond spenden, dafür habe ich einen steuerfinanzierten Staat, der sich da eben kümmert. Und wenn ein niedriger zweistelliger Mio-Betrag nicht reicht, dann eben mehr Geld und wasweißich Blauhelme, THW, die ganze Brigade halt. Ebenso aktives diplomatisches Einsetzen für die Leute.

        • warum erkennen wir als BRD den Genozid an den Rohingya (wird wohl noch paar mehr Minderheiten in Burma betreffen, die nicht auf Parteilinie sind) nicht an und sorgen dafür, daß da wenigstens sowenig wie möglich verrecken, vergewaltigt etc. werden?

          Weil das mit Geld und Positionierung verbunden wäre, weil man sich nicht in die inneren Angelegenheiten anderer Staaten einmischt, weil Aung San Suu Kyi sone schöne Nobelpreisträgerin ist, weil die Rohingya Muslime sind und weil demnächst sowieso alles wieder in bester Butter ist.

          Die nach Bangladesh geflohenen Rohingya werden von Myanmar re-patriiert. Sie (inklusive minderjähriger Waisen) müssen bloß nachweisen, daß sie burmesische Staatsbürger sind.
          Ich mag darüber im Moment nicht mal bloggen, weil es mich so würgt.

Schreibe eine Antwort zu dame.von.welt Antwort abbrechen

Trage deine Daten unten ein oder klicke ein Icon um dich einzuloggen:

WordPress.com-Logo

Du kommentierst mit Deinem WordPress.com-Konto. Abmelden /  Ändern )

Google Foto

Du kommentierst mit Deinem Google-Konto. Abmelden /  Ändern )

Twitter-Bild

Du kommentierst mit Deinem Twitter-Konto. Abmelden /  Ändern )

Facebook-Foto

Du kommentierst mit Deinem Facebook-Konto. Abmelden /  Ändern )

Verbinde mit %s

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.